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Episode 5: Morality from Religion? Nah.

Peter Tchoryk Season 1 Episode 5

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There is a claim at the center of almost every argument for keeping religion embedded in public life: without religion, we have no morality. Strip away the church and the commandments, and all that remains is chaos. This argument is so pervasive that it has become almost invisible. An assumption so widely shared that questioning it feels like questioning whether children need parents.

It is also, as it happens, precisely backwards.

Morality does not require religion. If anything, morality has survived despite some of what organized religion has done in its name. Let me make this argument carefully, because it is easy to make carelessly in ways that are unfair to religious people.

I am not claiming religion has never produced moral goods. It has. The American abolition movement was substantially religiously motivated. Frederick Douglass. Harriet Tubman. The Quakers who ran the Underground Railroad. The white northern clergy who preached against slavery in the years before the Civil War. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s was organized largely through Black churches, led largely by ministers, and spoke a moral language thoroughly grounded in the Hebrew prophetic tradition. Liberation theology in Latin America produced generations of activists. The Catholic Worker movement, founded by Dorothy Day, built one of the most substantial networks of practical care for the poor in American history. These are not edge cases. They are central to the history of moral progress.

What I am claiming is more specific. The moral content of these movements — their commitment to human dignity, their opposition to domination, their insistence on the equal worth of every person — is not derived from religion in the sense that it is not available by any other route. The same commitments can be reached, and have been reached, by rigorous secular reasoning. The Enlightenment thinkers who developed the philosophical foundations of human rights — Locke, Kant, Mill, later Rawls — arrived at conclusions about human dignity that are not distinguishable in their content from what the prophets insisted on. The route was different. The conclusions were the same.

Martin Luther King Jr. understood the distinction precisely. What he called the social gospel was not an appeal to Biblical authority as such. It was an insistence that faith, lived honestly, points toward the same evolved moral truths that a clear examination of human dignity requires. That every person counts. That suffering matters. That the powerful do not have the right to oppress the powerless simply because they are powerful. He did not derive his moral commitments from Scripture and then apply them to civil rights. He recognized that Scripture, read honestly, condemns the same things that evolved moral intuition condemns. The cruelty of arbitrary power. The dehumanization of people who do not fit the dominant category. The cowardice of those who could speak and chose silence.

That is the social gospel. It is being fiercely opposed today, just as it was in King's time, precisely because it points to the same moral conclusion that the evidence of evolutionary psychology points to. That every human being's dignity is not negotiable. And that no institution's certainty about God's preferences changes that.